James Windle works at the National Renewable Energy Laboratory and has worked at the Office of Management and Budget, the House Committee on Appropriations, and multiple federal agencies. The views expressed are his own and do not represent those of NREL or the U.S. Department of Energy.
The new Congress begins this week under a Republican-controlled House of Representatives and Senate. Federal managers are no doubt anxious about what the new politics will mean for their work after four years of frustrating uncertainty.
The landscape has changed. The deep divide between the Democratic Senate and Republican House produced a historically small volume of legislation in the last Congress. While the obvious scenario has the Republican Congress aggressively coming after the Democratic White House, history suggests work can get done in this situation.
In 1994, Republicans took control of the House for the first time in over a half century. The Republicans relentlessly attacked the Democratic President, Bill Clinton. Partisans fanned multiple scandals. Like today, Republicans eyed taking the White House. Yet, Congress and the White House had significant legislative accomplishments together over six years, like welfare reform and budget surpluses. The relationship was tough, with the President using his veto power and the Congress working to over-ride vetoes, but it was ultimately productive.
After the 114th Congress finishes its posturing relative to the White House, beginning with a confrontation over the Keystone pipeline and immigration in coming weeks, a working relationship is possible.
Moderates out front in Congress. Moderate Democrats and Republicans, though dwindling in numbers in both chambers, might have muscle to flex in the new Congress. Extreme members of Congress with Presidential ambitions or ulterior motives will stage revolts from their party leadership, but House and Senate leadership can tolerate defections given the size of the Republican majority, particularly in the House. When necessary, leadership can pass legislation with moderates from both parties and agreement with the White House. Such a scenario unfolded in passing the fiscal year 2015 CRomnibus budget in December.
An empowered White House. The White House may be in a stronger position to forge deals with a unified Republican Congress. In the divided Congress, there were many times when the White House and Senate Democrats did not agree. The White House was, consequently, often on the edges of the legislative process. Now the President can negotiate bi-laterally with Congress, using its veto power and trading support on one issue for another.
Regular order on appropriations. The annual appropriations process became the simplest way to fight out the differences between the parties. The result was a shutdown, continuing resolutions, and persistent uncertainty. Regular order, the deliberate process in which subcommittees, full committees, and floors of both chambers consider appropriations, should be in place. Stand-alone legislation can be debated rather than holding the entire federal budget hostage.
Even if Congress and the White House pass more legislation into law, it is unlikely to relieve many of the pressures on the federal and contracting workforces.
In the management arena, it is now the era of transparency and accountability. Congress will continue to focus on waste, fraud, and abuse. Taxpayers expect the highest standards from government and media works tirelessly in revealing any missteps. In this climate, it is very problematic to loosen oversight on travel, conferences, bonuses and awards, or other areas under scrutiny as of late.
The budget situation should be more predictable. The sequester-level discretionary spending caps return in fiscal year 2016 through 2021 resolving the issue of top-line spending. There will be budget uncertainty where Congress and the White House disagree ideologically. They include, but are not limited to, income assistance, infrastructure, energy, and education. More advance warning for funding disruptions should be provided with regular order on appropriations and the White House signaling its views through its statement of administration policy.
The old saying is that politics makes for strange bedfellows. Before rushing to the conclusion that the experience of recent years will be repeated, wait and see if a new Congress leads to different results.
